By Stanley D Brunn
@text: during this e-book, a global crew of political geographers and political scientists research the effect of eleven September 2001 on overseas regulations and diplomacy. The authors draw from a number of diverse views to debate Amer
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Extra info for 11 September and its Aftermath: The Geopolitics of Terror
25 The breakdown of the barrier between civilians and soldiers in both world wars suggested that the ‘law of nations’ provided insufficient protection for individuals in wartime. Following the Holocaust, some progress was made toward expanding the regulation of violence beyond norms pertaining to noncombatants and prisoners of war during a war to the general protection of individuals against abuses of state coercion through universal human rights. Nuremberg established the precedent of individual responsibility for actions undertaken even under the justification of superior orders or operational necessity and extended the international regulation of violence into the shielded realm of state ‘domestic’ jurisdiction—the use of violence by states against those within their boundaries.
Religion is an identity category that is significant to Islamists when viewed in terms of its difference in contrast with a privileged identity category. Theorising about identity, therefore, reveals the cognitive underpinning of us versus them as bases for political action. Such theorising is complicated by the fact that identities demarcate psychological rather than territorial space and, unlike territory, they can be overlapping and intersecting. The significance attached to socially constructed sameness provides the foundation for moral boundaries that encompass communities of obligation based on reciprocity and fairness.
Where the central problem in international relations was often defined as interstate war, the ‘war on terrorism’ is something new and different. Not classic interstate war, as we observed earlier, it is difficult from a state perspective not to approach the problem of terrorism as one of crime rather than war at all. Al Qaeda is, strictly speaking, neither a ‘domestic’ nor an ‘international’ threat but rather is both at once. It accords, then, with the postinternational claim that national and global security are merging, because in a complexly interdependent world the conditions for well-being and happiness for most people require a high degree of collective action.
11 September and its Aftermath: The Geopolitics of Terror by Stanley D Brunn